UNMASKED! Secrets Nobody Told You About Mukiibi at the Centre of Sh31Bn CCTV Kickback Bombshell
Instead of settling into the juicy comforts of Parliament, enjoying convoy sirens, taxpayer-funded privileges and the political celebrity status that comes with being a newly sworn-in Member of Parliament, Bukomansimbi South’s Hassan Mukiibi Sserunjogi is staring at the possibility of exchanging the red carpet for the cold walls of Luzira Prison if explosive allegations surrounding the Shs31 billion CCTV kickback scandal eventually stick.
Mukiibi, who recently shocked political observers after defeating incumbent NUP flagbearer Geoffrey Kayemba Solo to become Bukomansimbi South MP in the 12th Parliament as an independent candidate, now finds himself at the center of one of the most politically sensitive corruption investigations currently rocking Uganda’s security establishment.
The drama exploded after President Yoweri Museveni ordered investigations into top officials in the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Uganda Police Force over alleged corruption tied to the maintenance of the national CCTV surveillance system. But buried deep inside the President’s explosive May 23, 2026 letter to Head of Public Service Lucy Nakyobe Mbonye was a name that instantly sent shockwaves through security corridors, State House networks and political camps alike: Hassan Sserunjogi.
According to Museveni, after Chinese tech giant Huawei was crippled by U.S. and European sanctions in 2019, the government turned to a private Ugandan company, Dealan Associates Limited, to maintain the massive CCTV infrastructure spread across Uganda. The government reportedly secured Shs31.37 billion to facilitate the work after then Internal Affairs Minister Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire lobbied the Ministry of Finance.
But according to the President, powerful officials allegedly frustrated the payment process while demanding kickbacks through a middleman identified as Hassan Sserunjogi.
The President’s directive immediately forced three heavyweights into political trouble. Internal Affairs Permanent Secretary Lt. Gen. Joseph Musanyufu, Police Undersecretary Aggrey Wunyi and AIGP Felix Baryamwitsaki, the head of Police ICT, were all ordered to step aside as investigations intensify. Museveni further directed the State House Anti-Corruption Unit to dig deeper into the scandal and recommended criminal proceedings against Mukiibi once evidence is fully assembled.
Suddenly, the once mysterious power broker operating quietly behind the scenes had become national news.
But who exactly is Hassan Mukiibi Sserunjogi?
To many ordinary Ugandans, he is just another politician. But within State House, intelligence circles, Chinese investment networks and old NRM political war rooms, Mukiibi’s name has long carried weight, fear, mystery and influence.
Long before becoming an MP, Mukiibi was one of the fiercest youth mobilizers in Amama Mbabazi’s infamous anti-Museveni rebellion inside the NRM ahead of the 2016 elections. At the height of the political storm, he was among the influential figures inside the feared NRM Poor Youth group led by Adam Luzindana, alias Putin.
That group gave Museveni sleepless nights.
At the time, the NRM Poor Youth movement aggressively marketed Mbabazi as the “poor man’s candidate” within the ruling party while attacking Museveni from inside his own political backyard. The group shook the NRM to its core and created political hysteria that many insiders still describe as unprecedented.
While many youth leaders eventually crossed back to Museveni’s camp after what insiders described as a mixture of intimidation, arrests and financial persuasion, Hassan Mukiibi reportedly remained one of the hardest nuts to crack.
Unlike many of his colleagues who struggled financially, Mukiibi was already wealthy.
Insiders say he often bragged about it.
One famous confrontation happened in April 2014 during a tense State House Entebbe meeting called by Museveni to reconcile divided NRM youth leaders over the controversial Kyankwanzi resolution endorsing him as sole candidate.
Out of 19 youth leaders present, only five remained openly loyal to Mbabazi. Mukiibi was among them.
During the heated meeting, Mukiibi reportedly told Museveni directly that many youth leaders supported him only because they were poor and expected money from him.
“Your Excellence, you earlier told us you are rich with cows but I’m also rich,” Mukiibi reportedly fired at the President. “These boys have voted like that because they are poor and hungry. I can also buy them immediately after here and they vote differently.”
The room reportedly froze.
Museveni allegedly snapped back angrily, telling him he too was poor like everybody else.
Many in the room feared for Mukiibi afterwards.
Some even advised him not to sleep at home.
But that confrontation would eventually become the beginning of a complicated political transformation.
Realizing the outspoken young man could not easily be broken through ordinary political pressure, Museveni reportedly chose a different strategy. Through one Janet Anyine and other trusted operatives, State House quietly opened channels to engage Mukiibi separately.
Eventually, he was taken to Museveni’s Kisozi farm for lengthy ideological discussions.
Then came the infamous photographs.
One evening after a private drive around the farm with Museveni himself behind the steering wheel, photos of Mukiibi with the President leaked onto social media. The images detonated chaos inside Mbabazi’s camp.
Adam Luzindana quickly announced Mukiibi’s expulsion from the NRM Poor Youth movement and accused him of betrayal and espionage.
He was immediately replaced by Issa Kato as national coordinator.
The betrayal narrative intensified. Rivals painted Mukiibi as a newly recruited State House operative armed by the SFC. But instead of collapsing politically, Mukiibi quietly disappeared from the limelight and focused on business.
And business is where the real mystery deepens.
Sources describe Mukiibi as one of the wealthiest youth operatives to emerge from the turbulent NRM youth politics era. He reportedly owns vast pine plantations in Greater Masaka, lucrative apartment properties in Bukasa-Muyenga and heavily fortified real estate. He also allegedly made significant money supplying construction materials to Turkish road contractors operating in the Albertine region.
Unlike flashy political operatives who flaunted wealth with luxury convoys and personalized number plates, Mukiibi cultivated a low-profile image.
Yet stories about his money became legendary.
One dramatic episode happened during a chaotic NRM youth meeting in Wakiso where angry youths reportedly held Mike Mukula hostage after organizers failed to provide facilitation money. According to insiders, it was Mukiibi who calmed tensions by casually throwing $4000 at the furious youths before driving off, leaving another $200 on the ground as if it meant nothing.
To many, it confirmed one thing: this was not an ordinary political mobilizer.
Over time, Mukiibi reportedly evolved into one of Museveni’s most trusted behind-the-scenes operatives. Sources claim he became deeply involved in protecting Chinese investors from extortion networks allegedly involving ministers, MPs, technocrats and security officials.
Operating quietly from offices at Crown House and allegedly carrying a diplomatic passport, Mukiibi reportedly infiltrated corruption networks and submitted confidential intelligence reports directly to Museveni.
At one point, he allegedly coordinated sensitive anti-corruption operations involving Chinese investors and top Ministry of Finance technocrats accused of soliciting bribes linked to the Tororo phosphates project.
Now, ironically, the same man once celebrated as a feared anti-corruption insider finds himself under the microscope in one of the country’s most explosive corruption scandals.
The CCTV system itself was introduced as part of Uganda’s anti-crime strategy, with over 5,700 cameras installed nationwide in phases. But the project has continuously faced technical breakdowns, connectivity failures, vandalism and expensive maintenance demands.
And now the Shs31 billion maintenance payments have opened a fresh political war.
For Mukiibi, the timing could not be worse.
Fresh from winning a parliamentary seat and positioning himself as a rising political force from Greater Masaka, the scandal threatens to completely redefine his public image. To supporters, he remains a fearless operative who rose from rough NRM youth politics into State House influence. To critics, he is the ultimate political shapeshifter — a former Mbabazi diehard who crossed into Museveni’s inner networks and allegedly mastered the dark art of survival within Uganda’s power system.
Little is publicly known about Hassan Mukiibi’s marital life, but within civil service and political circles, he had built a reputation as one of the most feared Museveni loyalists until this saga. He is an old student of Kawempe Muslim Secondary School.
During his school days, he reportedly earned the nickname “Kasala the Snitch,” a label that would later follow him into political circles. Mukiibi also once contested for the position of NRM National Youth Chairman under the party’s youth league structures.
His name has repeatedly surfaced in controversial political operations over the years. During the heated Togikwatako constitutional amendment battles, he was among the figures accused of helping force opposition MPs out of Parliament chambers.
What remains undeniable is this: Hassan Mukiibi Sserunjogi is no ordinary politician.
From fiery rebel youth mobilizer, to feared State House insider, to businessman, intelligence-linked operative and now embattled MP, his story mirrors the dangerous intersections of power, money, politics and survival inside Uganda’s ruling establishment.
And as investigators dig deeper into the CCTV kickback scandal, many are now asking the same chilling question: Is this the beginning of Mukiibi’s downfall, or just another chapter in the survival story of one of Uganda’s most mysterious political operators?
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